The New Line of Red Guards Kansas City

[Note: This is an edited version of a presentation that was initially given in January of 2018 at the inaugural Maoist Conference for Line Struggle held in Kansas City, MO. Portions have been edited out for security purposes. This is the same revised edition that appears in the book, “Documents of the US Maoist Conference for Line Struggle,” which you can purchase here, with proceeds going to support the US Maoist party building effort.]

Form the Cadre Organization

“Whenever I find myself in a difficult situation I strive to look for its positive aspect or for what potential for development may still exist within that situation, because nothing is completely black, nor is anything completely red. Even if there were to be a big defeat, even though we have not had one yet, there would always be a positive aspect. The point is to draw out the lessons, and continue to do our work based on the positive aspect. You will always find someone to support you, to lend their ardent enthusiasm and assistance to the struggle, because communism unites people. “


-Presidente Gonzalo

Historically all revolutionary movements started from mass struggles and mass organizations as well as struggles against a Rightist line. We can trace this historically with the Bolsheviks against the Mensheviks in the lead up to the October Socialist Revolution. The formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) led by Charu Mazumdar, out of the Naxalbari uprising and from a split with Communist Party of India (Marxist). The reconstitution of the Communist Party of the Philippines brought forth from the struggle against the Lava-Taruc revisionists and from the First Quarter Storm. To the Revolutionary Union/Revolutionary Communist Party from SDS here in the US as well as the reconstitution of the Communist Party of Peru led by Chairman Gonzalo against the revisionist-reformists led by Saturnino Paredes.

At some point the Red Line had to formally consolidate and form a revolution party and from this party generate organizations that could be the vehicles for mass struggle. The explosion of mass activity necessitates a clarification and consolidation to sustain this momentum to a critical mass. At the same time the revolutionary line must contend with a revisionist one as well as a reformist counterrevolutionary line that also emerges from mass uprisings. At all levels the cadrefication of mass members should be the goal, replacing our numbers inside the mass org with mass members and eliminating the contradiction between cadre and the mass organization. Our past work aimed to win hearts and minds with political transformation as secondary. Our conception calls for concentric construction on a miniature scale. That everything flows from cadre and without initiation of this cadre there cannot be a true Maoist pole.

1. Start Your Maoist Collective with 3-5 members

If you already have a consolidated core there is no reason why you cannot have a cadre organization. This necessitates democratic centralism in the formal sense as opposed to the informal sense. The cadre in the mass orgs should capture leadership in the mass organization by seeking to form a maximum and minimum number of 3 cadre who will form a cell within the mass organizations, while still upholding that the Maoist organization must be composed of 3-5 members initially. This cell forces the cadre organization to replace our ranks with mass members with as little overlap as possible. This cell must present written reports at cadre meetings to inform the cadre of political work that is occurring in the mass organizations. The cell should be assigned to the mass organizations and their criteria as the most active members of this organization. They must also be initiators of all mass work within the organization and take a role of leadership.

A cell implies a unit with direct orders from the large cadre organization that operates through formal democratic centralism. The dangers of not replacing mass members with cadre is that cadre work, in turn, becomes secondary at best or at worst, and all work is done through the mass organizations. Thus, frontism becomes the practice of the Maoist organization in relation to its mass organization. When all cadre belong to the mass organizations there are no free hands available to carry about party building and the cadre work. Here overlap has seriously hampered the task of party building, ideological development and consolidation which should be the task of all Maoist collectives.

2. Generated Organism and Structure

 “Their [the three instruments of revolution] construction is guided by the principle that a just and correct ideological line decides everything, and it is on this ideological-political basis that the organizational construction is simultaneously developed in the midst of the struggle between the proletarian line and the bourgeois line and within the storm of the class struggle…”

-On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Communist Party of Peru.

Once the cadre have been united in a stable organization, and have committed to carrying out mass work, the construction of a mass organization should begin immediately. The mass organization thus becomes a “generated organism” meaning that it is initiated by cadre. This serves the basic twofold task of organizing the masses to bring them into open conflict with the class enemy and training the masses in administration. Through generated organisms we organize the disorganized masses for the struggle against the organized power of the ruling class.

The cadre cell generating the organization ensures that the correct ideological line forms the basis for the organization. Viewing the mass organization as a primarily multi-tendency organization, which had an informal Maoist hegemony is a mistake. This forms a tenuous situation, which rests more so on the numerous Maoists inside the organization exerting pressure on members to transform politically rather than Maoism being the political orientation of the organization in general. The result of this is not only that oppositional political trends can grow and gain a significant foothold in the organization without violating any organizational documents or discipline, but also that it undermines the work of cadre in creating new communists by fostering non-revolutionary and eclectic political orientations that seek to combat Maoism internally. This is an especially dangerous situation in the initial stages of the organization, for if the Maoists do not gain a foothold and conquer ideological hegemony, which is merely informal, then the organization rests on an incorrect ideological line and its political work will necessarily suffer.

The generated organization resolves that issue by establishing the ideological-political basis of the organization as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a formal manner, stamping out the eclecticism of the multi-tendency approach and replacing it with a formal Maoist oriented mass organization. This is of the utmost necessity for our work, of which the end goal of conquering power is our primary aim, of which the question of proletarian political power in Maoism is of fundamental importance. If we are serious in our work of building towards that goal then we must develop the masses politically to that goal through Maoism. This cannot be accomplished through wading through the mire of ideological-political eclecticism, and we should be open and honest in our desire to steel and develop the masses through these generated organisms in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

It would be a mistake to give one inch to consensus democracy as the basis for the structure of the organization. This is a rightist conception of an organization that is to be a fighting organization of the masses, and a practice that is foreign to Maoism, but right at home in the movementist Left in its various anarchist, social-democratic, and revisionist formations. In promoting this one succumbs to “ultra-democracy” (where individuals are free to subvert organizational discipline, and this in turn actually negates the democracy that it seeks to promote) and horizontalism in that one’s Maoist core is actually negated on several cases because centralism is not present from the beginning. This can hamper one’s ability to carry out tasks and actually increased the amount of time wasted on meetings and deliberation rather than expediting it. In essence, one is not only negating democracy but also centralism as well. Ultra-democracy and horizontalism negate leadership, in theory as being an “authoritarian” imposition, and in practice by bogging the organization down through a lack of fidelity to discipline and collectivism to where even informal leadership becomes ineffective.

In the storm of the class struggle, leaders and leadership, are produced. As communists we understand this not as an evil to be combatted but a necessity that we should not shy away from recognizing, steeling, and developing. To negate the necessity for leadership erases all pretenses of democratic centralism, and negates genuine proletarian leadership, and thus the necessity for the Communist Party itself. A weak leadership, even from the beginning, means an ineffective organization. The corrective is to implement democratic centralism in the mass organization, so the lower bodies (general membership) are subordinate to the higher bodies (secretariat). The formulation of democratic centralism should not be mistaken for democracy being primary (and indeed this was our previous error) but rather, that centralism is primary. Democracy is merely the base, or the road, by which we arrive at centralism.

Numbers do not negate democratic centralism. Even when the organization is under 10 members the organization should operate along democratic centralist lines to both establish a proper Maoist culture and discipline, and to also foster effective leadership and participation from general membership. During this stage the cell should formally assume the role of the secretariat of the organization. The secretariat should never be more or less than 3 positions (Chairperson, General-Secretary, and Education Officer) no matter how large the organization grows. The work of leading and maintaining an organization should be able to be carried out by three individuals as long as the secretariat initiates committees and/or tasks mass members to carry out tasks, which are binding, and the cell is vocal in pushing a revolutionary line of action and ideas openly. In the event that the organization grows but then regresses to 10 or less members, the cell must again assume all leadership.

The cell should work to overcome specialization in organizational work. We should not discourage an individual doing a lot of tasks, but we should not let that person become overburdened or allow other cell members to shirk their responsibilities. Leadership is collective, not individual.

3. Identify a Fixed Site of Struggle to Recruit From

We initially recruited from a local university (a fixed site of struggle) among a club within that university (a fixed community) who were already familiar with radical political ideas. They formed a consistent core within our mass work early on. We also recruited from students studying in the humanities, as they too were also familiar with progressive and radical ideas. We challenged these sections to put their ideas into practice.

By focusing on a fixed site of struggle with a substantial, stable, and consistent concentration of people we were assuring that our presence as a group was established and strenthened. This allowed for a concentrated organizing base area as opposed to a more diffuse area of organizing in the city in general. By focusing on a fixed community within a fixed site of struggle and propagating revolutionary politics to sympathetic people, but also challenging them to put ideas into practice, We were thus able to form ourselves as well as integrate ourselves into struggle on campus, as the club’s members also interact with members from the student body in general.

4. Identify The “Leaders”

It is important to identify and win over the leaders in the particular community you are working in. The revolutionaries must take advantage of recruiting from fixed sites of struggle from fixed communities by winning over their leaders, who will in turn recruit and mobilize from within those same communities. This is a universal truth in many people’s wars in which a village is won over by winning over the village elder or tribal leader. By winning over the leaders we switch from recruitment on an individual basis to recruiting on a more mass basis.

5. Organizational Procedure

All meetings must be purposeful. It is not productive to hold meetings for the sake of holding meetings if no real work is being accomplished. Members should also be expected to be familiar with organizational documents, as new member orientations should cover all relevant documents, and members are expected to remain familiar with these and uphold them as long as they retain membership in the organization. In the beginning points of unity are sufficient as they unite and draw in a broad base of people from the recruiting site/section, but once the organization grows and develops over 10 people the immediate goal is to develop a political line for the organization to replace them.

Points of unity reflect a lower level of political development and only loosely bind members ideologically around broad core principles (e.g. anti-imperialism, anti-racism, socialism etc.). This is unfitting if an organization seeks to reach the masses on a large scale as these will be seen as idealistic fantasies in the absence of a political line. Depending on the organization the political line may differ but it should be borne out of the mass work the organization is conducting, from its own investigation and its own political experiences.

The cells should report, in a written fashion, to the cadre formation their political work inside the mass organization and any relevant updates at each meeting. This keeps all cadre informed to the goings on of the mass organization, and can also help identify mass members politically and ideologically developed enough to be moved up to cadre.

6. Hold Regular Collective Studies and Collect Mandatory Dues

Regular collective studies are a mandatory part of the mass org. Since mass orgs are initiated by the Maoist political line, mass org members must undergo the political transformation of learning the thought behind its existence and applying this line in their political work. Regular studies ensure a measurable standard to grow the organization ideologically.

Monthly dues are mandatory and must be seen as a necessary part of maintaining the printing of flyers as well as other materials necessary for outreach or propaganda. Dues should be a fixed minimum amount and members should be allowed to give more but not less. If a member is unable to contribute the minimum amount, assign them one or two additional tasks per month, but only on a case by case scenario. The treasurer should keep track of who is paying, and discipline should be applied by the Secretariat in the case of members neglecting this duty.

The collection of dues in a democratic organization also ensures a sort of personal investment in the organization. Dues used to be voluntary due to concerns about alienating members that are not able to pay. However, we abolished the voluntary dues line because it was liberal. Mandatory dues encourage a higher level of investment within membership. We also uphold this line because we value quality over quantity and believe that truly dedicated members will contribute to the material needs of their organization.

True believers in revolution have been willing to become martyrs for liberation, a few dollars would be nothing for them if they were truly invested in proletarian revolution.

In revolutionary collective studies we demarcate between liberal ideology and tactics with militant ones, with the latter meant to raise the overall ideological level among mass members and the population they organize with. Education is centralized within the secretariat so that liberal and erroneous ideas do not take a hold in the mass organization, and when they are encountered they must be struggled with through a process of criticism and tying back to the political line of the mass org.

7. Build Up an Authentic Maoist Culture

Authentic Maoist culture fosters a strictly political culture as well as a normalization and regular practice of principled criticism and self-criticism. We must foster a culture of solidarity, serving the people and serving comrades but politics must be in command.

Here we must also utilize a stance that there can be no “long breaks” for cadre and mass members in our organization, so long as they wish to remain inside the organization. We must also follow organizational discipline and always outwardly promote the Maoist political line within the mass org. Every member must feel free to express their criticisms, taking caution never to blunt criticism, but to also engage in a principled manner with the essence of the criticism taking precedence.

Revisionism and liberalism should be openly challenged right then and there, not allowed to fester as non-antagonistic contradictions will be allowed to deepen and will erupt antagonistically. Belonging to a political organization should take precedence over liberal notions of friendship over politics.

8. Stay Organized

It is important to establish a calendar and always take notes in meetings and to review them. Encourage members to do this and enforce it if need be. Every printed agenda should contain events for that month with important dates at the end. Establishing some discipline is good in the organization. After events, summarize them as soon as possible, typically the next regular meeting or if you can immediately after.

Leadership cannot be expected to know everything just off the top of their head. By forming a calendar it allows one to plan events ahead. By keeping in mind important dates (or as the Filipino Revolutionaries call them “Red Letter Dates”) such as May Day, International Working Women’s Day, organization anniversaries etc. a month or a few months ahead of time, the organization is not caught planning things as they come. Similarly, by expecting members to also keep calendars, take notes etc. it prepares them to also take up roles of leadership when the time comes.

9. Do Not Orient Towards “The Left”

Left unity does not build a Maoist movement, but instead dilutes the possibility for more militant organizing. We have observed this in our own work, whether working with anarchist “organizations” like Food Not Bombs, IWW, or the Democratic Socialists of America. For instance, when we contacted other organizations to show up in mass for the protest to the fascist anti-sharia law march, DSA and other liberal organizations split off to occupy another portion of the park to give speeches, testimonials, and talk to the media, whereas our mass organizations stayed put and directed our attention directly at the fascist, rather than “ignoring them”.

The splitting represents an ideological antagonism, as it is an appeasement to the crushing brutality of fascism, for the sake of peace and “being the bigger person.” Such left unity falls into the error of tailing and opportunism, an anti-communist idea. We can see this error in our own work, as left unity incentivizes ideological concessions for the hope that such favors will be returned in the future and we build mass support via uncritical tailing of the “masses”. When it was rumored ICE was going to be doing raids in Kansas City, a call was made by Kansas/Missouri DREAM Alliance to bring out people to do patrols. The call was made at midnight and participants were to report to the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce at 6 am. 40 people volunteered that day with over half comprising of our mass organization members. Those who did not always agree with us repeatedly remarked positively to the showing up, consistency and discipline of mass members.

Although we comprised over half of the individuals who had responded to the call, and although we were amongst the few willing to forcibly stop any detainment observed, our tailing of organizations like KSMODA did not result in favors being returned, but in fact limited our own work. When we attempted to organize a sit – in at a local community college in response to raising rates for undocumented students, KSMODA dropped out of attendance a few days prior, citing they were uneasy with our methods, as they were too “militant”.

When criticized for breaking their commitment, they took principled criticism as a personal attack and responded hostilely, severing all communications, although our members had been integral in volunteering for their DACA clinics, even when their own members could or would not. This again exposes a set of inherent contradictions, namely, how does an organization with the intent of creating Maoists organize alongside organizations who actively reject Maoist principles, why take up faulty alliances that dilute our political line when we still serve as the most devoted to the work, and how can a “unified left” agitate the masses, when such approaches are antagonistic to one another. The end point of left unity then falls into the logical conclusion of tailing; opportunism, and revisionism. The highest example of this was our “membership” in the Kansas City Grass Roots Network, an assortment of garden variety leftists led chiefly by the DSA, the KC Green Party, and local anarchists, in preparation of the ACT for America sponsored white supremacist rallies on 9/9. Again, our resolve for membership was rightist in form, as it put concessionary alliances for broad left support over Maoist politics in command for mass support. All preparations for the event, including propaganda, flyering, and even bodies on the ground ready to confront the fascists fell solely on our shoulders, although the KC – GRN sought to take credit for the action.

Our reliance on their goodwill led only to missed opportunities to fully commit ourselves to agitating amongst the working class of Kansas City. Such alliance s as the KC – GRN even harbored known wreckers and abusers, with no means to discipline or rectify their behavior, due to their garden variety ideologies and their inherent horizontalism. To forge such alliances with anti – Maoist elements is to allow liberalism and revisionism to permeate into our work. For these reasons, we denounce left – unity, and will forge no alliances nor work alongside any organization that opposes our political line. We welcome those who support our political line, and forge alliances only with those who actively take up that political line. As Maoist, we must win over the masses. We cannot be won over by the “left”.

10. Do Not Engage in Unprincipled Attacks and Squabbles

Principled criticisms are encouraged over petty and personal disagreements. In our attempts to remain above the bullshit, we sometimes erred on the side of allowing incorrect lines to go unchallenged to avoid arguments. We attempted to ignore and run from contradictions that arose both from within and from our relationships with other organizations, in the hope that they would resolve themselves.

In both our handling of the post-modern clique and of the divide between us and the STL revisionists, we chose unprincipled peace over struggle. But, failure to resolve these contradictions was inevitable due to our approach. We must remain principled in our debates so that we can be understood, but we should not shy away from open struggle. Reactionary ideas will continue to thrive unless we attack them directly. We should not mistake valid criticism for unnecessary squabbling and the essence of an argument takes precedence over its form or “perceived” form. With a political criticism we can make no concession in seeing out two-line struggle until the end.

11. Build the National Organizing Committee*

 “As we see in the world, Maoism is marching unstoppably to lead the new wave of world proletarian revolution. Listen well and understand! Those who have ears, use them. Those who have understanding – and we all have it – use it! Enough of this nonsense. Enough of these obscurities! Let us understand that! What is unfolding in the world? What do we need? We need Maoism to be incarnated, and it is being incarnated, and by generating Communist Parties to drive and lead this new great wave of the world proletarian revolution that is coming. Everything they told us, the empty and silly chatter of the famous “new age of peace.” Where is it now?”

-Presidente Gonzalo

All existing and new Maoist political collectives must place the question of the Party as primary and incorporate mass work into the creation of this party through a formal process via the pre-party formation. After the collapse LC, many collectives including our own, advocated for the Autonomous Maoist Collective model, pushing the thought of party building to an undetermined future time. The LC’s bad political lines and the backwards culture it curated understandably left a bad taste in the mouth of US Maoists. Subsequently, many collectives took up the task of “building up” locally instead of a true party-building effort. This position has hindered collectives’ ability to unite wholly, and our unity is only based on our commitment to Maoism, but this approach lacks any way to facilitate true line struggle.

Individuals and collectives have no real accountability to each other and in the past, this has turned attempts at line struggle into personal conflict, and outright ridicule. As the US MLM movement grows, potential new collectives could be forced to choose which of the existing collectives to align with should these current alliances dissolve, and this could fracture the modern MLM movement much like the “communist” movements in the US before it. This position also leaves these collectives susceptible to collapse, as they have no larger system of support to help them weather the ebbs and flows of revolutionary work, regardless of their political line. This pre-party formation would assist in helping new MLM collectives to form, and a pole in which autonomous MLM collectives spring up can gravitate towards. It would seek to consolidate those collectives through ideological struggle, set some standards at what constitutes mass work, coordinate where to concentrate resources to work, generate mass organizations and help existing mass organizations consolidate, the STPs for example, initiate resources and concentration to penetrate the labor movement etc.

To further our unity and advance the revolutionary situation in the US, now more than ever it is necessary to take up the task of building a Maoist party, beginning with furthering the principled unity that we’ve established with collectives of dedicated Maoists across the US. We cannot begin to seriously discuss people’s war or how to take advantage of the impending capitalist wars without the formation of a party, which is why we fully support the beginning of the construction of a Maoist pre-party formation. We’ve continued this process with the MCLS 2018 as we all seek to develop ideologically and further unite the US Maoist movement. A pre-party formation could unite the political lines of the current MLM movement, guide new collectives in their formation, and create a nationally united MLM movement as we build towards revolution in the US.

We are at a point in history where it is very likely that a World War could happen within the next 5-10 years, the international bourgeoisie has expanded rapaciously across the globe with the dissolution of phony Communism and the imperialist powers that have emerged are in competition for global influence and markets. What exists now in the United States is one that can be called Cold Civil War that could very well become hot. What separates us from the other revisionist parties is the question of People’s War, this is how we will resist the Empire. ALL mass work that is conducted and initiated by the Party will be tailored to constructing the capacity to wage People’s War. This can only be possible through the construction of the Party with the current Maoist collectives congealing and forming a pole.

As Always,

DARE TO STRUGGLE! DARE TO WIN!

*There was a lot of struggle over point 11 and by the end of the conference it was eventually agreed upon by all collectives that it is not yet the appropriate time to form a National Organizing Committee.

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Kansas City Stands with Igor Mendes and His 23 Comrades

Comrades and supporters of Red Guards Kansas City gathered on a hilltop overlooking the city to show our support and solidarity for Brazilian student organizer Igor Mendes and his 23 comrades, who were imprisoned by the reactionary Brazilian state. Read about Mendes’ struggle in detail here.

 

igorprop

Lately we have experienced state repression of our own, and Comrade Igor’s strength and perseverance in the worst of circumstances has provided inspiration to help us carry through in this struggle.

As communists we are internationalists, and we recognize that Mendes’ struggle is also our struggle. A speech was delivered in the park, then flyers were distributed explaining why we were there, details about Comrade Igor’s struggle, and why it is important for us to take our duty as internationalists seriously. We plan to follow it up with more flyering across the city to educate the masses about Igor Mendes, his struggle, and the importance of internationalism.

To Igor Mendes, his 23 comrades, and the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction), we  send a militant red salute.

Solidarity with Igor Mendes and his 23 comrades!

Solidarity with the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)!

 

 

 

Freedom for Comrade Igor Mendes – Libertad para Igor Mendes

[Español debajo]

Note: This article originally appeared on Red Guards Austin’s blog. We are reposting it here because we are in complete agreement with the contents, and want to express our solidarity with and admiration for Comrade Igor Mendes and the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction). Kansas City stands with Comrade Igor and his 23 comrades!

Igor

Igor Mendes, son of the Brazilian people, fighter of the international proletariat, is not alone!

a slogan painted on the walls of proletarian neighborhoods all over the world.

Who is Igor Mendes and why do we support him?

Comrade Igor Mendes is a student revolutionary and Communist Leader from Brazil. The reactionary Brazilian state arrested him for helping to mobilize and lead the masses of people against the FIFA World Cup. He was criminally charged for attending a demonstration on 10/15/14 and recently sentenced to prison along with 23 of his comrades.  Leaders emerge in class struggle and Comrade Igor Mendes is such a leader. By honoring him we honor all 23 of the arrestees. Igor is a Communist and a revolutionary, a true son of our class.

In his own words he expresses that:

“I answer for a single “crime”: criminal association, article 288 of the Penal Code. Draconian law, whose new wording was approved in 2013 and used increasingly to persecute popular movements, especially those that do not lend themselves to being mere conveyors of projects of class conciliation.”

The Maoists of Brazil have been unrelenting in their class struggles hailing from the rich tradition of the Araguaia Guerrilla, an armed struggle that took place in the 60’s and 70’s. Because of the severe poverty and conditions where the police, military and landlords kill whomever they want state repression and white terror there are very high.

FIFA destroyed the houses of the working poor and violently pushed the masses from their own city to make way for tourists. The reactionary state treats the youth of the Favela as sub-human pests. Our city, Austin is familiar with how the rich and tourists funnel into our city and push us out, while calling our people “roaches”. Gentrification has devastated former working-class Black and Chicano communities in Austin, portraying a free-for-all to outsiders. Thanks to this voracious selling off of our city, Austin even has attracted its own bourgeoisie sports hustlers who are pulling a con-job to bring a Major League Soccer team here. They are scheming our community into handing over public land to build a Soccer Stadium for the US’s own rookie version of the world’s sport.

antififapig
Police attack anti-FIFA protesters in Brazil

In Brazil, as outraged youth gathered in mass to protest the world cup, the state agents of the Dilma government, part of the so-called left pink tide, responded with reactionary violence and white terror to imprison the youth.  This phony “socialism of the 21st century” constantly shows its reactionary face. They are no different than that the reformists and revisionists of our country who constantly serve the bourgeoisie.  When in crisis, the bourgeoisie and phony socialists alike oppose the proletarian dictatorship; if you do not hit them, they will not fall.

All 23 arrested activists were sentenced to between 5 to 13 years in prison without parole for attending the anti-FIFA demonstrations. After going to prison, Comrade Igor was unwavering. In true revolutionary spirit he remarked:

“I will leave here more convinced that Brazil needs a great revolution!”

While in prison he has authored a book titled “Small Prisons”. The title references how capitalist society in crisis comes to resemble the large prisons more and more, with an even more acute ‘small prison’, which the masses and their revolutionary leaders suffer. His book details prison abuses and focuses on the struggles of the masses that are locked up. In an act of revolutionary solidarity, Comrade Igor dedicated his first book to the League of Poor Peasants (LCP). LCP is a revolutionary mass organization that operates in the Brazilian countryside to organize the poorest of the countries peasantry in the struggle for New Democratic revolution and Socialism.

lcpgonzalo
League of Poor Peasants (LCP) rallying to defend Chairman Gonzalo of the Communist Party of Peru

Brazil has a long history of proletarian internationalism and one of the best developed and most advanced Maoist-led movements in the Americas. Their struggle is our own, as we are fighting on different fronts in the same war for our class—the international proletariat.

Igor has never once seen himself as a victim but as a revolutionary, he is a true child of our class. The revolution produces leaders and heroes and Igor is deserving of both titles. All prisoners face horrid conditions which breed a sort of miasma; to elevate themselves above this misery, the revolutionary must have unshakable faith in the masses and the revolution. To keep his moral high, Igor would write Maoist slogans on the walls like, “Dare to Struggle, Dare to Win,” and draw hammers and sickles as a reminder of his revolutionary commitment and as a statement of defiance to the prison authorities.

The US Maoist movement is familiar with state repression and the targeting of revolutionaries, we have seen incredible support for our own Comrade Dallas, who has stressed to our movement the need for continued struggle and a refusal to capitulate in the dungeons of the state.  From Austin to Brazil, we are one struggle.  We must all show our gratitude for the international support Comrade Dallas has received by honoring and supporting Comrade Igor.

igor
Comrade Igor giving a speech next to some of the 23 comrades sentenced

While being a political prisoner, Igor has never sought special treatment and is one with the imprisoned masses, still serving the people of the class he lives and fights for. We have seen this same resolve among our movement’s best revolutionaries and recognize it as a true sign of the indomitable spirit of our class.

We call on all the activists and collectives in our movement to take solidarity action and to educate the US proletariat on the struggles of their 23 brothers and sisters being persecuted by the Brazilian state. It is disgusting that when Americans think of Brazil, they think of white sand beaches and clear blue water, forgetting the plight of the people. The Brazilian masses will one day rise like a tidal wave and reclaim said beaches and every Favela will fly the red flag as the hammer and sickle blazes from the mountainsides. The Communist Party of Brazil (Red Fraction) will initiate The People’s War and will forever change the face of South America as it marches shoulder to shoulder with other Parties toward world proletarian revolution and Communism!  When we think of Brazil, let us think of these comrades. Let us think mainly of Comrade Igor Mendes and let us make trouble all over the imperialist nation of the US  in his name!

Igor Mendes, presente en la lucha!

Freedom for Igor Mendes and his 23 comrades!

Long live the revolutionary youth of the international proletariat!

Long live international solidarity! 

-Red Guards Austin, 7/28/2018


 

Libertad para Igor Mendes

Nota: este artículo apareció originalmente en el blog de Red Guards Austin. Lo volvemos a publicar aquí porque estamos completamente de acuerdo con los contenidos, y queremos expresar nuestra solidaridad y admiración por el Camarada Igor Mendes y el Partido Comunista de Brasile (Facción Roja). ¡Kansas City apoya al Camarada Igor y sus 23 camaradas!

Igor

Igor Mendes, hijo del pueblo brasileño, luchador del proletariado internacional, ¡no está solo!

Un eslogan pintado en las paredes de los barrios proletarios en todo el mundo.

¿Quién es Igor Mendes y por qué lo apoyamos?

El camarada Igor Mendes es un líder revolucionario y Comunista de Brasil. El estado reaccionario Brasileño lo arrestó por ayudar a movilizar y dirigir a las masas en contra de la Copa Mundial FIFA. Fue acusado penalmente por asistir una manifestación el 15/10/14 y recientemente ha sido sentenciado a prisión, junto con 23 de sus camaradas. Los líderes emergen en la lucha de las clases y el camarada Igor Mendes es uno de ellos. Al honrarlo, también honramos a los 23 que fueron arrestados junto a el. Igor es un Comunista y un revolucionario, un verdadero hijo de nuestra clase.

En sus propias palabras, él expresa lo siguiente:

“Respondo por un solo “delito”: asociación criminal, artículo 288 del Código Penal. La ley draconiana que fue reescrita y aprobada en el 2013, se usa cada vez más para perseguir movimientos populares, especialmente aquellos que no se prestan a ser simples transmisores de proyectos de conciliación entre clases. “

Los Maoístas en Brasil han sido implacables en sus luchas de clase provenientes usando la rica tradición de la Guerrilla Araguaia, una lucha armada que tomó lugar en las décadas de los 60s y 70s. Debido a la severa pobreza y las condiciones en la cual la policía, el ejército y los propietarios matan a quien quieran, la represión estatal y el terror blanco se han puesto severas.

La FIFA destruyó las casas de los trabajadores pobres y expulsó violentamente a las masas de su propia ciudad para dejar paso a los turistas. El estado reaccionario trata a la juventud de las Favelas como plagas subhumanas. Nuestra ciudad, Austin, está familiarizada en la forma en la que los ricos y los turistas invaden nuestra ciudad y nos empujan, mientras llaman a nuestra gente “cucarachas”. El aburguesamiento ha devastado a las antiguas comunidades negras y chicanas de la clase trabajadora en Austin, representandoles a todos los forasteros que nuestra comunidad está en venta. Gracias a esta venta voraz de nuestra ciudad, Austin ha atraído a los que no viven aquí, Austin incluso ha atraído a sus propios estafadores deportivos burgueses que están haciendo transas para traer a un equipo de Major League Soccer aquí. Están manipulando a nuestra comunidad para entregar terrenos públicos y construir un estadio de fútbol para la versión inmadura de fútbol que practica los ee.uu.

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La policia ataca a los manifestantes anti-FIFA en Brazil

En Brasil, mientras la juventud indignada se reunió en masa para protestar contra la Copa Mundial, los agentes estatales del gobierno de Dilma, parte de la llamada ‘marea rosa’ de la izquierda, respondieron con violencia reaccionaria y terror blanco para encarcelar a los jóvenes. Este falso “socialismo del siglo 21” muestra constantemente su cara reaccionaria. No son diferentes a los reformistas ni los revisionistas de nuestro país que sirven constantemente a la burguesía. Cuando están en crisis, la burguesía y todos los falsos socialistas se oponen a la dictadura proletaria; si no los golpeas, no se caerán.

Los 23 activistas arrestados fueron condenados a servir entre 5 y 13 años de prisión sin libertad condicional, solo por asistir a las manifestaciones en contra de la FIFA. Después de ir a prisión , el camarada Igor fue inquebrantable. En espíritu revolucionario comentó:

“¡Me iré de aquí más convencido de que Brasil necesita una gran revolución!”

Mientras estuvo en prisión, escribió un libro titulado “Pequeñas Prisiones”. El título hace referencia a la manera en la que la sociedad capitalista bajo crisis se asemeja cada vez más a las grandes prisiones, con una “pequeña prisión,” aún más aguda en la cual las masas y sus líderes revolucionarios sufren. Su libro detalla los abusos en prisión y se centra en las luchas de las masas que han sido encerradas. En un acto de solidaridad revolucionaria, el camarada Igor dedicó su primer libro a la Liga de Campesinos Pobres (LCP). LCP es una organización de masas revolucionarias que operan en la área de campo en el país brasileño para organizar a los campesinos más pobres del país en la lucha por la revolución y el socialismo de la Nueva Democracia.

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La Liga de Campesinos Pobres (LCP) hacen un mitín para defender el Presidente Gonzalo del Partido Comunista de Perú

Brasil tiene una larga historia de internacionalismo proletario y uno de los movimientos más desarrollados y más avanzados de la América guiado por Maoístas. Su lucha es la nuestra, ya que estamos luchando en distintas frentes de la misma guerra por nuestra clase proletaria internacional.

Igor nunca se ha visto como una víctima, sino como un revolucionario, es un verdadero hijo de nuestra clase. La revolución produce líderes y héroes e Igor merece ambos títulos. Todos los prisioneros se enfrentan a condiciones horribles que generan una especie de miasma; para elevarse por encima de esta miseria , el revolucionario debe tener una fe inquebrantable en las masas y en la revolución. Para mantener su moral alta, Igor escribiría consignas Maoístas en las paredes como, “Atrévete a luchar, Atrévete a ganar” y dibujar martillos y hoces como un recordatorio de su compromiso revolucionario y como una declaración de desafío a las autoridades de la prisión.

El movimiento Maoísta estadounidense se está familiarizado con la represión estatal y el ataque contra revolucionarios, hemos visto un apoyo increíble para nuestro camarada Dallas, quien ha insistido a nuestro movimiento la necesidad de continuar la lucha y la negativa a capitular en las mazmorras del estado. Desde Austin hasta Brasil, estamos en la misma lucha. Todos debemos mostrar nuestra gratitud por el apoyo internacional que ha recibido el camarada Dallas al honrar y apoyar al camarada Igor.

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El Camarada Igor pronunciando un discurso al lado de los 23 camaradas sentenciadas

Siendo un prisionero político, Igor nunca ha buscado un trato especial y es uno con las masas encarceladas, que sigue sirviendo a la gente por la que vive y lucha. Hemos visto esta misma resolución entre los mejores revolucionarios de nuestro movimiento y la reconocemos como un verdadero signo del espíritu indomable de nuestra clase.

Invitamos a todos los activistas y colectivos de nuestro movimiento a tomar medidas de solidaridad y a educar al proletariado estadounidense sobre las luchas de sus 23 hermanos y hermanas perseguidos por el estado brasileño. Es repugnante que cuando los estadounidenses piensan en Brasil, piensan en playas de arena blanca y agua azul y clara, olvidando la difícil situación de las personas. Las masas de Brasil un día se levantarán como un maremoto y van a recuperar dichas playas y cada Favela va a volar la bandera roja mientras el martillo y hoz triunfará entre las laderas de las montañas. ¡El Partido Comunista de Brasil (Fracción Roja) iniciará la Guerra Popular y cambiará para siempre la imagen de América del Sur mientras marcha hombro a hombro con otros Partidos hacia la revolución proletaria mundial y el Comunismo! Cuando pensemos en Brasil, pensemos en estos camaradas. Nosotros pensamos principalmente en el compañero Igor Mendes y haremos problemas en toda la nación imperialista de los EE.UU. en su nombre!

¡Igor Mendes , presente en la lucha!

¡Libertad para Igor Mendes y sus 23 camaradas!

¡Viva la juventud revolucionaria del proletariado internacional!

¡Larga vida a la solidaridad internacional!

Solidarity with PYO in their Struggle Against State Repression

“The world is yours, as well as ours, but in the last analysis, it is yours. You young people, full of vigor and vitality, are in the bloom of life, like the sun at eight or nine in the morning. Our hope is placed on you. The world belongs to you.”

Progressive Youth Organization in Kansas City has dedicated the last year to exposing not only rapists on the UMKC campus, but the failure of campus officials to protect its students from rapists. This is the same youth organization that has bravely stood up for immigrant students on campus and led campaigns against tuition hikes. This Tuesday, these young people will be among the many gathered in Kansas City to protest the arrival of the crypto-fascist fool Donald Trump.

Through their years of work in our city, PYO has demonstrated a consistent dedication to the people, and an equally consistent disdain for the peoples’ exploiters and enemies. And that is exactly why PYO now finds itself facing increasingly desperate repression from the Kansas City Pig Department and the FBI, working as an anti-terrorist task force against these comrades.

The pigs went so far as to arrest a student activist on a property destruction charge from January’s anti-rape campaign, as they were speaking at a school event. An act of alleged property destruction so serious and heinous that the pigs couldn’t be bothered to produce a warrant until after their run-in with local activists during the 2018 May Day march.

In addition to the ridiculous arrest, pigs have stalked and harassed two other student activists. They have attempted to threaten and intimidate all three of these student activists, hoping they can frighten them and turn them into informants. Because the pigs themselves are selfish cowards, they hope that the young activists they target are as well. They will be disappointed.

PYO and their supporters have time and time again proven themselves to be dedicated and courageous activists. We have no doubt that these attacks on them will only strengthen their resolve.

PYO has received solidarity and support from all over the country, and we wish to extend ours as well. A revolutionary organization experiencing state repression deserves to know that others like them are ready to struggle alongside them and extend any possible assistance we can.

We encourage anyone who agrees and wishes to support these comrades in our city to donate here.

Keep up the fight PYO – It is right to rebel!

RGKC

 

Report Back From Red May Day in KC

As May came upon us, we spent a lot of time thinking about how we’ve celebrated the worker’s holiday in the past. Previous May Day celebrations in Kansas City have been purely celebratory. And, although International Worker’s Day is the only holiday for the workers, and an occasion for great celebration, it is also a day of struggle and rebellion. In our earlier statement, we stressed this element of the holiday for a reason. This year, we decided to forgo picnics and parties in favor of a show of resistance. We took the street in a militant march in a working class neighborhood that is currently being targeted by developers, using our march both to celebrate and to call for resistance against the coming waves of gentrification. Spirits were high and the mood was pleasant, but every marcher in attendance was prepared to be met with resistance, and to resist in turn.

In Kansas City the only May Day celebrations are put on by communists and other small left groups. There is no official large rally downtown, no union organized rallies, and no history of May Day celebrations in recent times. So when we hit the streets and start canvassing for May Day, the people are often confused about the purpose of the holiday and why we are so excited about it. But we are determined to build up Red May Day and build up class consciousness around the importance of this militant working class holiday, even if it takes years in the process.

In the lead-up to May 1st, comrades dedicated several nights a week, for several weeks, to putting up flyers for the march and talking to community members at bus stops, store fronts, and in parking lots, informing them about the march, discussing the history of May Day, the importance of class consciousness and class solidarity, and about their experiences with the new developments coming to the Troost corridor. We had good conversations and were met largely with enthusiasm at the idea of a militant movement against gentrification. We were able to hear many stories from older residents and learn a more personal history of our city. We were also able to hear frustrations, concerns, and the doubts that many have about the peoples’ ability to create real change in their neighborhoods.

Pic1 Statement

Mainly, our efforts were concentrated along Troost, from 31st to 39th, but we also flyered on surrounding blocks. Several times, we ran into people we had met earlier in the week and were able to continue conversations and joke around. This was a start in building a presence. We hope that we will be able to strengthen the connections we have made and to make new ones as time goes on and our work along Troost becomes more focused and consistent.

Frequently, we encountered our flyers being taken down or damaged, but we doubled down our efforts and spent more time on the street, meeting people and letting them know about our upcoming march. Based on the responses we encountered while flyering, we doubt the culprits were regulars to the block, as there was a personal level to the damage to our propaganda that more likely came from other organizers and/or reactionaries.

Comrades from multiple Maoist organizations in the city put in extensive effort towards painting banners, designing decorations, writing literature to share along our route, and planning chants. Although we thought the odds of multiple arrests were slim, we knew that arrests were always a possibility when we choose to stand our ground, so we also made arrangements for how we would deal with them.

The March

When the day came, comrades from Red Guards Kansas City and the mass organizations Progressive Youth Organization and Serve the People gathered at 35th and Troost and spoke with people at the bus stops and people driving and walking by, letting them know why we were there and inviting their involvement in the march. The responses were largely positive. A few people in cars pulled over to speak with us and to take our flyers and zines. Although many were reluctant to join us in the march, many were glad to see us out and were happy to stop us to talk and ask questions about the plans for both the march and militant resistance to the displacement on the horizon.

Much has been made by liberals about our appearance – the masks and guns and openly communist banners – making us unapproachable to the public at large. Once again, we found this concern unfounded. While the pigs and reactionaries find us threatening and unapproachable at actions, we once again had no trouble having conversations with passers-by and receiving enthusiasm and support from them. Women walking home and families with their children felt safe enough standing alongside us and asking questions about our purpose, proving once again that the masses understand who the real threat to their lives are.

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The amount of time we spent rallied in one area, propagating our message and encouraging more community involvement, ended up being an error on our part. This was time that we could have used to get the march started, giving us more time to finish before the Kansas City Pig Department was able to rally in full force. This is an error we will not repeat, as there is always time after for us to do more personal outreach. But we still feel that this time was valuable to our efforts of building a presence in the area.

We began the march with few community members actively participating, but people at every street corner watching and filming. We received some encouragement and interest in the first few blocks, during which we marched along one lane of Troost. No cars or pedestrians made an issue of our presence in the street, as they were more interested than inconvenienced.

Despite the lack of community complaints, two blocks into our march, the police began to arrive and announced to us that we would need to move onto the sidewalk. Too often in the past, demonstrations in KC have been too compliant with pigs, in order to avoid potentially violent conflicts. While this is an understandable impulse, this is a trend that will not continue, and this May Day we applied this policy.

Pic7 Statement

As soon as the police informed us that we would need to move to the sidewalk, comrades in the center began to instruct other marchers to tighten the formation and carry on. Comrades more prepared to be met with police aggression moved themselves to the edges of the procession, but even the less experienced and confident marchers did not make an effort to remove themselves or to suggest compliance. Every one of our marchers stood firm and carried on chanting and marching and waving red banners high. For some comrades in the mass orgs, this was their first action of this nature and their consistent courage and enthusiasm was even more impressive in this light.

In very short order, more than five cop cars were following us, with more on the way. They did not wait long after we had refused their warnings to take action. Although they profess to be protecting public safety and enforcing the law, their first actions were to block the entire street and snatch up a comrade who was exercising his right to open carry. They, as expected, provided no explanation for his arrest.

Instead of backing down and scattering when the armed comrade was removed from the fray, we tightened our ranks and rallied around our arrested comrade until he encouraged us to continue our march.

Once again, undeterred by the initial arrest, our comrades took the streets with a renewed energy. They held the flags high and their chants were louder and more defiant. In between calls for revolution and affirmations of the power of the masses, comrades were able to quickly add chants expressing their anger at the pigs at this injustice. More comrades than ever were confident enough to lead new chants and carry on well-established ones.

The pigs’ fear and confusion at our display of resistance and indifference to their orders was evident in their escalating use of force against our gathering. They were desperate to instill in us the fear and compliance they are used to seeing from the people they brutalize daily, and they were disappointed.

These brave protectors of the people and traffic brought in even more cars to stop the flow of traffic, effectively shutting down an entire block of Troost, and began grabbing comrades and throwing them to the ground, tackling them, and striking and shoving the comrades who rushed to the defense of the ones being brutalized in the streets. They pointed rifles into our ranks and, on one occasion, into the face of a marcher who had already been thrown down and handcuffed. They threatened us with pepper spray and waved guns recklessly around, courageously protecting those standing by from the danger of our one-lane march.

 

 

Pic4 Statement

 

The community members who had been watching did not appear to feel any safer due to this display. One man approached the fray to try to inform our detained comrades of their rights while others filmed the police actions. When we continued our march and directed our chants against the police, we were stopped on a corner by someone excited to see people resisting the police who routinely flex their muscles and terrorize the neighborhood. Some threw up fists and honked in support, and one woman cheered on our chants against the violent and cowardly pigs, slowing her car to shout along.

The pigs blows did not go unanswered however. Communists have every right to defend their comrades when they are being attacked by foot soliders of the oppressive state apparatus, and during the clashes anonymous rebels were able to land hits on the pigs, before retreating back into the group.

We finished the march and began the final part of our demonstration. We burned an American flag while a speech written by one of our detained comrades was read aloud. The police looked on, but did not attempt to stop us, although they did call in a fire truck to block another lane of traffic.

Pic5 Statement

Once we had completed the march, the flag burning, and the speech, we began the process of getting our political prisoners released.

Jail Support

With four comrades sitting in the state’s cages, we set to work finding out where they were being held and were able to mobilize every one of the remaining marchers to the jail to show our support and demand that they release the wrongly-arrested comrades. We also set up a bail fund to speed up our efforts at posting bond to get them each home. The support we received was immediate and overwhelming, and was instrumental in securing both bond and getting a head start on legal funds, to fight the charges that were haphazardly stuck to those arrested, in order to intimidate them and impede their work.

During our protest outside the jail, another attempt was made to silence us. The pigs detained another comrade for standing too close to the doors (although, they initially tried to paint the encounter as an assault on an officer).

Once again, instead of intimidating even those members of the mass orgs with little experience with this kind of conflict, this new injustice added fuel to our fire and left us all the more determined to get our comrades back and to not bend under the petty attacks of the yapping dogs of the state.

Comrades continued the chants and noise demonstrations for over three hours, even after those arrested were transferred to two separate jails in an attempt to throw us off and get some peace from us. We shut down the noise demo at about 10:30 p.m. so that we didn’t keep the inmates, who are awoken at early hours, up later than they’d want to be. Still, comrades continued to occupy the sidewalks outside the jails, sharing food and conversation, and reminding the pigs and their accomplices that we would not leave until we were leaving with everyone we started the day with. Even though they did everything they could to confuse and stall us, we held firm.

A crucial element in our efforts to have our comrades released also came from outside our ranks. We owe thanks to members of both the KC branch of the Democratic Socialists of America and the KC Solidarity chapter, who came to the jails along with us, in a show of true and much-appreciated solidarity. DSA brought food to those gathered, many of whom had not eaten for over five hours. And a few members of the Solidarity chapter dedicated hours of their night to locating which jails our comrades were in when the police refused to tell us. These good samaratins spent much of the night getting information to us and standing with us in our demands for the release of our comrades. Solidarity with fellow workers and organizers, despite drastically different political stances and platforms, is an incredible weapon against the state.

By two in the morning, despite delays and misdirection, we were able to warmly greet and celebrate all of our once-imprisoned comrades, getting them fed and back to their own beds. While some of our members had to go home before due to early work schedules and classes, we were able to maintain sizeable numbers outside of the jails late into the night, with some who had missed the march coming also to stand with us and offer supplies and support.

Conclusion

Although we did not have the community involvement we had hoped for in this march, we did garner support and were pleasantly surprised by the solidarity and excitement from onlookers when we demonstrated a refusal to bend to the will of the pigs.

This further proved to us that the people of our city are eager for change. They are ready for an increased militancy and discipline that they haven’t seen in the past from the charities and pseudo-revolutionaries that have consistently sold them false promises. We believe this was a solid start to our efforts to build trust and camaraderie within the community in this particular area, although this is far from the end. We will continue to stand with the workers in our city against gentrification and police violence. We will not stop until we have built up a proletarian movement capable of defending the interests of our class and defending us from the fascists and reactionaries that daily threaten our people.

Pic6 Statement

This day also further proved the cowardice and desperation of the pigs, who are increasingly frustrated and aggressive in the face of a rising power from the people. The dogs of the state will grow more violent and less bound by rules as our resistance to them strengthens, but these are the dying gasps of a system that is losing its grip and that knows it will soon be cast into the abyss. And so, though we know the danger to us will likely grow, we are not afraid of what is to come. For us and for all working people, what is coming is victory and power that will be worth our sacrifices and temporary suffering. The pain and humiliation of our comrades beaten and imprisoned only strengthens their resolve and fuels their rage.

We fully believe that, the next time we take these same streets, it will be in greater numbers. It will be bolder and it will be even less afraid of the guns and muscle of the state.

Please donate to our legal fund here

Long live the militant legacy of May Day!

Long live the fighting spirit of the working class!

Long live the Red Guards!

Flier Black Text

Build Up Red May Day! Statement on International Worker’s Day 2018

Flier Black Text

We are at a watershed moment. We stand at the edge of impending global and civil war, brought about by the swelling belly of imperialism reaching its end, and the disease of fascism rotting away any hope of a liberated and dignified future. We are at the door of the slaughterhouse, where the “land of the free” offers nothing more than mass incarceration, genocide, stratification now masked in urban development/beautification aka gentrification, police brutality, declining wages and increased cost of living, people dying in the winter from no heating, in the summer from food deserts, and poisoned water in cities where “leaders” are quick to quench only the thirst of their own greed.

We are watching our planet die, burned and constricted by massive deforestation, haphazard mining, pollution, and overconsumption all to increase corporate profit. Make no mistake; this is not the sign of a healthy economic and political system. This is not the sign of a world built on the promise of an equitable future. This is not the sign of the “End of History” where people all across the planet will shed all divisions under the reactionary lie of capitalist wrung social order. Make no mistake; we are witnessing a wounded rabid beast bleeding out, clawing at any it can reach with the full intent of dragging us to our graves. We are witnessing the death of an unsustainable system. We are witnessing the death of capitalism. And if we do not fight it, then this dying beast will push us towards our own extinction.

It is only in class struggle, the seizing of power by working class people from the bourgeois capitalists, will we bring forth a future of life and freedom. This class struggle is not a new phenomenon, but is bred from over a century of revolutionary proletarian practice.

We see its beginnings in Karl Marx and Friederich Engels great revelations on the destructive nature of capitalism and the necessity for materially analyzing how we create socialism of a scientific degree.

We see it in Vladimir Lenin’s fight against imperialism, the global expansion of capitalism, and his call to establish a communist party capable of seizing power from the state and waging global revolution. We see it in Josef Stalin, who advanced Lenin’s teachings of a socialist state and led the Socialist USSR against imperialism during the 2nd World War.

We see it in Mao Zedong, who led China’s peasantry in a series of wars against capitalist repression, Japanese Imperialism, and resurging bourgeois Nationalism. Who advanced the teachings of Marx and Lenin, further theorizing that a war against capitalist states must be a protracted process fueled by the masses and that class struggle would not end under socialism, but could only intensify as we fight to ensure our great leaps towards communism do not revert back to the restoration of capitalism.

And we see it in Presidente Gonzalo, who further synthesized the work and teachings of all the great leaders before marking Maoism as the highest stage of communist theory and waging a people’s war in Peru in the 80s that shakes the planet even now, displaying the universality and necessity of protracted people’s war. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the weapon given to the global proletariat, forged through the struggles of those before us. It is the weapon capable of ending the rabid beast of capitalism once and for all.

May 1st or May Day is a global holiday; a celebration of the working class people. It is on this day that we uphold the global working class, the proletariat, as the most revolutionary class capable of stopping the violent barbarism of capitalism. Finding its roots in 1886, when workers at the McCormick plant in Chicago defiantly refused to work in an act of solidarity with workers around the country going on strike for the right to an 8 hour work day without risk of pay cuts. Some of those workers would become martyrs in Haymarket Square, murdered by the cowardly police whose only interests are in preserving this brutal system for their own bourgeois gain.

In response, revolutionaries in Chicago led what was known as the Haymarket Riot. Workers on strike brought the city to a stand still in demand of an 8-hour workday. This led to massive clashes and street battles with the police. The police eventually opened up fire on the crowd, resulting in the deaths of at least eight working class martyrs on that day. The Haymarket martyrs lit a red flame in their passing, becoming a blazing emblem of working class militant power for revolutionaries throughout the globe.

We celebrate May Day, continuing the revolutionary militancy of workers around the world waging war to end the genocidal desire of capitalism. From the October Revolution in Russia, to the revolution in China, Peru, and those being waged in India and the Philippines, we extend global solidarity to all comrades fighting against imperialism and capitalism for true democratic revolution and communism.

We extend our greetings and solidarity to comrades of Red Guards Austin, Red Guards Los Angeles, Red Guards Pittsburgh, Red Guards Charlotte, Red Path Collective-St. Louis, and Revolutionary Association of Houston, and all dedicated anti-fascists in the prison-house of nations we call the United States this May Day. And we call upon all revolutionaries to join us as we celebrate a militant May Day in Kansas City. It is through class struggle that the proletariat will wage a revolutionary war for our collective future, a communist future. We must then celebrate May Day as a militant display of that commitment, showing the world the revolutionary power of the proletariat.

Cast aside all illusions and build towards a Maoist revolution!

Build up Red May Day in Kansas City!

Note: It was originally written that during the Haymarket Riot bombs were thrown at police, but this is incorrect. Historians believe that it’s more than likely that it was an agent provocateur who threw the bombs, not the workers.

 

Free Dallas Now! Solidarity with Red Guards Austin

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Send donations for Dallas’ legal defense via PayPal to avantiguzman@gmail.com

Red Guards Kansas City extends our solidarity to our comrades in Austin, as they face repeated attacks by the state, and as they raise support and funds for their comrade Dallas, who is facing some of the most serious charges. If convicted, the comrade could face decades in prison. Such a loss would be felt by Maoists, not just in this country, but across the international movement.

Comrades like Dallas embody everything that a Maoist should strive for. He is disciplined and diligent and dedicates all of his time and energy in service to the people. He has never been under any illusion that a life dedicated to serving and struggling alongside the people would be a safe or easy one. Make no mistake, he is being attacked because he has given himself fully to the cause of revolution. This arrest makes a clear statement that a friend and servant of the people is, by default, an enemy of the state.

This outrageous attack should remind us of the fear this revolutionary spirit sparks in the enemy. They try to imprison us. They try to kill us. They try to delegitimize and slander us. Cynics would say that our cause is hopeless, but all of the resources the bourgeois state utilizes against our comrades in Austin reminds us of why communists are not cynics.

Our enemies probably imagine they are striking a critical blow to our movement with every prisoner they take. We’re sure it gives them a sense of power and security to know that they can take so much from any particular revolutionary. But these attacks only strengthen us. Our hearts break for our comrades struggling under the heavy hand of the state, but we do not allow ourselves to fall into despair. We are filled with rage, but we do not allow this to make us reckless or foolish. Instead, we are energized. Our resolve is strengthened. Our focus is sharpened.

#FreeDallas

#FightRepression

Read the statement from Red Guards Austin here

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