Nationwide Demonstrations in US Call to Present Dr. Sernas Alive

On November 2nd, the US Red Guards Movement coordinated a series of lightning demonstrations at Mexican consulates (Pittsburgh doesn’t have a consulate but still held a lightning demonstration) in five cities across the country in solidarity with our comrades in Latin America. Similar demonstrations took place in September at the Mexican consulates in both São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, as well as in Quito, Ecuador.

In Austin, comrades held their demonstration at a disorganized consulate that didn’t seem to know how to handle a basic human rights inquiry. Consulate staff in Austin admitted that they had never experienced anything like this. Comrades in Kansas City handed out flyers and posted their statement onto the outside of their consulate after the consulate had locked their doors. In Los Angeles, security at the consulate closed the entrance to prevent a large crowd, consisting of many mass supporters, from getting into the building.

We call on all progressive formations around the world to join in the International Campaign to Present Dr. Sernas Alive with actions against the reactionary Mexican state, and to popularize among the masses the cause of the forced disappearances of activists and democratic fighters.

Austin, Texas

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Los Angeles, California

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Kansas City, Missouri
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Charlotte, North CarolinaRGC1RGC

Long live the defenders and servants of the people!

Long live international solidarity!

Present Dr. Sernas Alive!

¡Dr Sernas presentación con vida!

– Red Guards Austin
– Red Guards Los Angeles
– Red Guards Kansas City
– Red Guards Pittsburgh
– Red Guards Charlotte

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Present Dr. Sernas Alive!

Comrade Dr. Ernesto Sernas García, a revolutionary lawyer and law professor in Oaxaca, Mexico was disappeared in San Agustín de las Juntas on May 10 of this year — he is one of the many revolutionaries and servants of the people disappeared by the reactionary Mexican state.

The U.S. Red Guards joins the Communist and progressive organizations of the world in condemning his disappearance and in demanding the presentation of Dr Sernas alive to the masses, poor peasants, and workers of Mexico.

At the time of his disappearance, Dr. Sernas—a professor of constitutional law at Universidad Autónoma Benito Juárez de Oaxaca—was in the midst of defending twenty-three Maoist militants of Corriente de Pueblo Sol Rojo, a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist organization which is active in the heartland of Oaxaca. The militants were arbitrarily detained on charges of terrorism and carrying explosives back in 2015, and although they are not currently in state custody the revolutionaries are still facing serious charges that, if prosecution is successful, carry a heavy sentence in the state’s dungeons. The reactionary state power in Mexico is wielding the corrupt judicial system in an attempt to intimidate and destroy the revolutionary movement in Oaxaca; however, Dr. Sernas was set to present evidence in court demonstrating irregularities in the legal process and human rights violations against the twenty-three defendants.

As they have demonstrated time and time again, when they cannot use the corrupt police force and courts to “legally” neutralize revolutionaries, the decaying old-state resorts to extralegal means: using reactionary paramilitary organizations aligned with the big bourgeoisie and landowners to murder and disappear enemies of the state. Dr. Sernas’ disappearance is one of many cases of state-sanctioned violence against revolutionaries and progressive activists carried out by these paramilitary forces; since May 10 Comrades Abraham Hernández González and Rolando Crispín López have been murdered by similar organizations acting as the unofficial and hidden foot-soldiers of the ruling class in Oaxaca. Continue reading “Present Dr. Sernas Alive!”

The Boycott Develops the People’s Tendency Against The Elections and Serves the People’s War – PCP May 1990

Red Guards Kansas City is reprinting this piece from the Communist Party of Peru. Far from being outdated, this document is more important than ever in light of the nationwide election boycott being held by every Red Guards Collective. We encourage our supporters to read this piece to better understand a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist position surrounding elections.

– Red Guards Kansas City

Once more the “defeat of terrorism” is preached to the four corners of the world: from the genocidal demagogue Garcia Perez, to the various self-proclaimed and well paid “senderologists”; and from the political parties of reaction and their flunkies, to the bloody police forces; from the muddled and desperate presidential candidates, to well-maintained hacks of all sorts; in unison, as should be expected, all shout at the top of their lungs the purported and worn out ” defeat of Sendero,” so they, in defense of Peruvian reaction and especially of the big bourgeoisie, of social-imperialism and of imperialism, mainly Yankee can create counterrevolutionary public opinion for the benefit of the Old State and the armed forces’ counterinsurgency plans.

Once more their cruel black dream of forever crushing the people and annihilating the People’s War sets in motion the fraud of the “defeat of Sendero, “which will materialize, they claim without proof, as ghosts labeled “strategic failure,” or “the first and foremost loser,” and “split and surrender” of Sendero. As their notorious wishful thinking prays, the Peoples’ War “got into the swamp” in 1989, the elections would show the great defeat of the boycott, and the Party would split, and the fighters of the People’s Army of Liberation would surrender. Let’s begin with the so-called “strategic failure” due to “Sendero’s falling into a swamp in 1989.” Nothing better than starting from the Report on “Great Fulfillment of the Pilot Plan!”, presented to the Central committee in June of last year [1989], one of whose parts we transcribe below: Continue reading “The Boycott Develops the People’s Tendency Against The Elections and Serves the People’s War – PCP May 1990”

Boycott the Ballots! Statement from Red Guards Kansas City

voterevolt

Under capitalism the exploited masses do not, nor can they ever, really participate in governing the country, if for no other reason than that, even under the most democratic regime, under conditions of capitalism, governments are not set up by the people but by the Rothschilds and Stinneses, the Rockefellers and Morgans. Democracy under capitalism is capitalist democracy, the democracy of the exploiting minority, based on the restriction of the rights of exploited majority and directed against this majority. Only under the proletarian dictatorship are real liberties for the exploited and real participation of the proletarians and peasants in governing the country possible. Under the dictatorship of the proletariat, democracy is proletarian democracy, the democracy of the exploited majority, based on the restriction of the rights of the exploiting minority and directed against this minority.”

-Joseph Stalin, The Foundations of Leninism

The bourgeoisie is a master at deception when it comes to masking it’s rule over the proletariat. Their very existence relies on the masses of people contending ourselves with fake, capitalist democracy, and seek to stave off any revolts against their putrid system by every once in a while giving the masses a “choice” as to who rules over them. We are told that somehow one billionaire warmongering, imperialist rat or another is going to deliver a fatal blow to inequality, segregation and gentrification. This stands in stark reality to the situation of continued exploitation, ever increasing poverty and decrease in living standards in many cities where “progressives” and “friends of labor” dominate in city and state governments around the nation. We are told that this vermin represents the interests of the workers, that if we vote enough of them in we shall achieve a state of nirvana. This is all said as these “friends” line their campaign war-chests from developers that steal the land from under the feet of our class, those slimy slumlords who bleed tenants dry and then snatch the roof from over their heads, and little dictators in the workplace who lord over the workers as they toil to fill their pockets with the fruits of their labor for nothing but crumbs in return,  and to the pigs who creep around every corner, joyous at the chance to rob the working class of the very air in our lungs, all of these very real enemies represent these grotesque figures. This is the reality for every proletarian person in our city and many cities around the country that are controlled by a Democratic Party machine that does absolutely nothing to actually fight on behalf of the working class.

The proletariat has never and can never win anything worth having by pleading with the ruling class. The people can’t be deluded with fantasies of equality and freedom won through the ballots. The people know that this “democracy” isn’t for them, which is why only 58% actually voted in the 2016 presidential election, excluding millions of others not eligible to vote. The truth is that we live in a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie as the ruling class. And when has a dictator ever fallen willingly? Contrary to what the reformists who claim an election of New Deal Democrats masquerading as socialists, who praise dead warmongers; the masses must rise up and overthrow this dictatorship, replace it with one that has the interests of the proletariat in mind. To these “socialists”, socialism is merely free healthcare, free school and $15 dollars an hour, it is completely divorced from the political exercising of the proletariat’s power to end exploitation; the original and only definition of socialism.

Electoral politics are a dead end approach and have historically failed to win anything for the people. Even when progressive laws are passed, it is due to the masses rising up to demand something and fight for it and anything won without power can easily be taken. For example, the very right to vote was won through intense struggle, which is why this right still stands today and why we should support peoples right to vote as a democratic demand, even then because it was won as a concession rather than from a position of power it is being attacked through voter ID laws and other measures not seen in 50 years. Should we protect our hard-won right to vote from reactionary forces? Yes.  Does this mean that this right is a method through which the people can gain power? No!

Take, for example, the Civil Rights movement, which addressed voting rights and segregation among other things. Out of those struggles, de jure segregation ended and Black people won voting rights protections. In practice, segregation emerged in a new form: white flight and then gentrification. Voting rights came with continued assauts from the right, in the form of continued pushes for voter ID and literacy tests. We cannot vote national oppression out of existence, the Bourgeois will always find ways to oppress the proletariat along national and racial lines. For this purpose, the dictatorship of the proletariat is necessary.

As Lenin says in The State and Revolution, “In capitalist society we have a democracy that is curtailed, wretched, false, a democracy only for the rich, for the minority. The dictatorship of the proletariat, the period of transition to communism, will for the first time create democracy for the people, for the majority, along with the necessary suppression of the exploiters, of the minority,” (1917).  In what facets of life can one point to a democratic process for the proletariat class? When the boss starts harassing workers for taking water breaks in a 100 degree warehouse, it isn’t the majority deciding how things get done, it’s the one or two bosses that force the workers to break their backs to squeeze the maximum amount of profit from them. The workers are disposable rather than the other way around. Democracy is utterly absent from the lives of workers.  Are the workers able to recall their bosses for being propelled by selfish greed? Are tenants able to replace the landlords who neglect their homes, allow vermin and bug infestations, or deadly mold to grow, all while collecting obscene amounts of money for it? Do community members get to topple developers who shape their community in ways antithetical to the needs of those who live there? There exist many poor communities contending with a reality of virtual food deserts. Yet, instead of building grocery stores, developers set up yoga studios, art galleries, coffee shops, and expensive boutiques and restaurants. Bourgeois democracy, or the dictatorship of the bourgeois, leaves the toiling masses no chance to meaningfully structure society around their needs nor creates solutions to the problems their own communities face.

What then is to be done to rid our class of this fraudulent rule of law? What strategy and tactics should revolutionaries turn to? It is our analysis that the only way we can defeat this rule is through People’s War which is universal to all nations including our own. In the preparation phase for the initiation of the People’s War we will begin to carve a space within territory through pushing out the enemy and their lackeys, represented through the revisionists and the reformists. We know that any real dual power is won through the forceful route of the enemy in tactical victory, and the consolidating of this new terrain to create what will be the basis for a new state. In this new state will exist a new way of rule, one of which the majority will control their way of life in all aspects: economic, social and political. These base areas cannot be constructed by “building” them through legal methods, as the reformists and revisionists contend, they must actually be conquered by the masses and enforcing their dictatorship over their class enemies: the landlords, the bourgeoisie, the police, the crime lords and other exploiters and enemies and the establishment of new relations in production.

As such we have no illusions that the bourgeoisie will give us more than they are willing to, and we are under no illusion that they will do so through their own intricately designed system. Rather than participate in the spectacle of bourgeois democracy, we are also initiating a campaign to turn the passive electoral boycott of over 40% of the electorate that already exists into an active one. In the coming weeks we will be targetting areas of the city encouraging the participation in an active electoral boycott, transforming the passive disapproval from the masses into one that is proactive. We shall distribute propaganda and take part in discussions about the sham of bourgeois democracy with the stated goal of constructing the united front in the city which will drive a wedge against the reformist attempts to corral the masses into a stable to assuage real grievances which can be channeled into revolutionary rage and offer milquetoast phony solutions. We know that every movement which calls itself revolutionary and radical must declare revolutionary and radical positions and it is neither to say those come from a bourgeois ballot box.

ELECTIONS NO! REVOLUTION YES!

BOYCOTT THE BALLOT!

VOTE REVOLT!

– Red Guards Kansas City, October 2018

The New Line of Red Guards Kansas City

[Note: This is an edited version of a presentation that was initially given in January of 2018 at the inaugural Maoist Conference for Line Struggle held in Kansas City, MO. Portions have been edited out for security purposes. This is the same revised edition that appears in the book, “Documents of the US Maoist Conference for Line Struggle,” which you can purchase here, with proceeds going to support the US Maoist party building effort.]

Form the Cadre Organization

“Whenever I find myself in a difficult situation I strive to look for its positive aspect or for what potential for development may still exist within that situation, because nothing is completely black, nor is anything completely red. Even if there were to be a big defeat, even though we have not had one yet, there would always be a positive aspect. The point is to draw out the lessons, and continue to do our work based on the positive aspect. You will always find someone to support you, to lend their ardent enthusiasm and assistance to the struggle, because communism unites people. “


-Presidente Gonzalo

Historically all revolutionary movements started from mass struggles and mass organizations as well as struggles against a Rightist line. We can trace this historically with the Bolsheviks against the Mensheviks in the lead up to the October Socialist Revolution. The formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) led by Charu Mazumdar, out of the Naxalbari uprising and from a split with Communist Party of India (Marxist). The reconstitution of the Communist Party of the Philippines brought forth from the struggle against the Lava-Taruc revisionists and from the First Quarter Storm. To the Revolutionary Union/Revolutionary Communist Party from SDS here in the US as well as the reconstitution of the Communist Party of Peru led by Chairman Gonzalo against the revisionist-reformists led by Saturnino Paredes.

At some point the Red Line had to formally consolidate and form a revolution party and from this party generate organizations that could be the vehicles for mass struggle. The explosion of mass activity necessitates a clarification and consolidation to sustain this momentum to a critical mass. At the same time the revolutionary line must contend with a revisionist one as well as a reformist counterrevolutionary line that also emerges from mass uprisings. At all levels the cadrefication of mass members should be the goal, replacing our numbers inside the mass org with mass members and eliminating the contradiction between cadre and the mass organization. Our past work aimed to win hearts and minds with political transformation as secondary. Our conception calls for concentric construction on a miniature scale. That everything flows from cadre and without initiation of this cadre there cannot be a true Maoist pole.

1. Start Your Maoist Collective with 3-5 members

If you already have a consolidated core there is no reason why you cannot have a cadre organization. This necessitates democratic centralism in the formal sense as opposed to the informal sense. The cadre in the mass orgs should capture leadership in the mass organization by seeking to form a maximum and minimum number of 3 cadre who will form a cell within the mass organizations, while still upholding that the Maoist organization must be composed of 3-5 members initially. This cell forces the cadre organization to replace our ranks with mass members with as little overlap as possible. This cell must present written reports at cadre meetings to inform the cadre of political work that is occurring in the mass organizations. The cell should be assigned to the mass organizations and their criteria as the most active members of this organization. They must also be initiators of all mass work within the organization and take a role of leadership.

A cell implies a unit with direct orders from the large cadre organization that operates through formal democratic centralism. The dangers of not replacing mass members with cadre is that cadre work, in turn, becomes secondary at best or at worst, and all work is done through the mass organizations. Thus, frontism becomes the practice of the Maoist organization in relation to its mass organization. When all cadre belong to the mass organizations there are no free hands available to carry about party building and the cadre work. Here overlap has seriously hampered the task of party building, ideological development and consolidation which should be the task of all Maoist collectives.

2. Generated Organism and Structure

 “Their [the three instruments of revolution] construction is guided by the principle that a just and correct ideological line decides everything, and it is on this ideological-political basis that the organizational construction is simultaneously developed in the midst of the struggle between the proletarian line and the bourgeois line and within the storm of the class struggle…”

-On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Communist Party of Peru.

Once the cadre have been united in a stable organization, and have committed to carrying out mass work, the construction of a mass organization should begin immediately. The mass organization thus becomes a “generated organism” meaning that it is initiated by cadre. This serves the basic twofold task of organizing the masses to bring them into open conflict with the class enemy and training the masses in administration. Through generated organisms we organize the disorganized masses for the struggle against the organized power of the ruling class.

The cadre cell generating the organization ensures that the correct ideological line forms the basis for the organization. Viewing the mass organization as a primarily multi-tendency organization, which had an informal Maoist hegemony is a mistake. This forms a tenuous situation, which rests more so on the numerous Maoists inside the organization exerting pressure on members to transform politically rather than Maoism being the political orientation of the organization in general. The result of this is not only that oppositional political trends can grow and gain a significant foothold in the organization without violating any organizational documents or discipline, but also that it undermines the work of cadre in creating new communists by fostering non-revolutionary and eclectic political orientations that seek to combat Maoism internally. This is an especially dangerous situation in the initial stages of the organization, for if the Maoists do not gain a foothold and conquer ideological hegemony, which is merely informal, then the organization rests on an incorrect ideological line and its political work will necessarily suffer.

The generated organization resolves that issue by establishing the ideological-political basis of the organization as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a formal manner, stamping out the eclecticism of the multi-tendency approach and replacing it with a formal Maoist oriented mass organization. This is of the utmost necessity for our work, of which the end goal of conquering power is our primary aim, of which the question of proletarian political power in Maoism is of fundamental importance. If we are serious in our work of building towards that goal then we must develop the masses politically to that goal through Maoism. This cannot be accomplished through wading through the mire of ideological-political eclecticism, and we should be open and honest in our desire to steel and develop the masses through these generated organisms in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

It would be a mistake to give one inch to consensus democracy as the basis for the structure of the organization. This is a rightist conception of an organization that is to be a fighting organization of the masses, and a practice that is foreign to Maoism, but right at home in the movementist Left in its various anarchist, social-democratic, and revisionist formations. In promoting this one succumbs to “ultra-democracy” (where individuals are free to subvert organizational discipline, and this in turn actually negates the democracy that it seeks to promote) and horizontalism in that one’s Maoist core is actually negated on several cases because centralism is not present from the beginning. This can hamper one’s ability to carry out tasks and actually increased the amount of time wasted on meetings and deliberation rather than expediting it. In essence, one is not only negating democracy but also centralism as well. Ultra-democracy and horizontalism negate leadership, in theory as being an “authoritarian” imposition, and in practice by bogging the organization down through a lack of fidelity to discipline and collectivism to where even informal leadership becomes ineffective.

In the storm of the class struggle, leaders and leadership, are produced. As communists we understand this not as an evil to be combatted but a necessity that we should not shy away from recognizing, steeling, and developing. To negate the necessity for leadership erases all pretenses of democratic centralism, and negates genuine proletarian leadership, and thus the necessity for the Communist Party itself. A weak leadership, even from the beginning, means an ineffective organization. The corrective is to implement democratic centralism in the mass organization, so the lower bodies (general membership) are subordinate to the higher bodies (secretariat). The formulation of democratic centralism should not be mistaken for democracy being primary (and indeed this was our previous error) but rather, that centralism is primary. Democracy is merely the base, or the road, by which we arrive at centralism.

Numbers do not negate democratic centralism. Even when the organization is under 10 members the organization should operate along democratic centralist lines to both establish a proper Maoist culture and discipline, and to also foster effective leadership and participation from general membership. During this stage the cell should formally assume the role of the secretariat of the organization. The secretariat should never be more or less than 3 positions (Chairperson, General-Secretary, and Education Officer) no matter how large the organization grows. The work of leading and maintaining an organization should be able to be carried out by three individuals as long as the secretariat initiates committees and/or tasks mass members to carry out tasks, which are binding, and the cell is vocal in pushing a revolutionary line of action and ideas openly. In the event that the organization grows but then regresses to 10 or less members, the cell must again assume all leadership.

The cell should work to overcome specialization in organizational work. We should not discourage an individual doing a lot of tasks, but we should not let that person become overburdened or allow other cell members to shirk their responsibilities. Leadership is collective, not individual.

3. Identify a Fixed Site of Struggle to Recruit From

We initially recruited from a local university (a fixed site of struggle) among a club within that university (a fixed community) who were already familiar with radical political ideas. They formed a consistent core within our mass work early on. We also recruited from students studying in the humanities, as they too were also familiar with progressive and radical ideas. We challenged these sections to put their ideas into practice.

By focusing on a fixed site of struggle with a substantial, stable, and consistent concentration of people we were assuring that our presence as a group was established and strenthened. This allowed for a concentrated organizing base area as opposed to a more diffuse area of organizing in the city in general. By focusing on a fixed community within a fixed site of struggle and propagating revolutionary politics to sympathetic people, but also challenging them to put ideas into practice, We were thus able to form ourselves as well as integrate ourselves into struggle on campus, as the club’s members also interact with members from the student body in general.

4. Identify The “Leaders”

It is important to identify and win over the leaders in the particular community you are working in. The revolutionaries must take advantage of recruiting from fixed sites of struggle from fixed communities by winning over their leaders, who will in turn recruit and mobilize from within those same communities. This is a universal truth in many people’s wars in which a village is won over by winning over the village elder or tribal leader. By winning over the leaders we switch from recruitment on an individual basis to recruiting on a more mass basis.

5. Organizational Procedure

All meetings must be purposeful. It is not productive to hold meetings for the sake of holding meetings if no real work is being accomplished. Members should also be expected to be familiar with organizational documents, as new member orientations should cover all relevant documents, and members are expected to remain familiar with these and uphold them as long as they retain membership in the organization. In the beginning points of unity are sufficient as they unite and draw in a broad base of people from the recruiting site/section, but once the organization grows and develops over 10 people the immediate goal is to develop a political line for the organization to replace them.

Points of unity reflect a lower level of political development and only loosely bind members ideologically around broad core principles (e.g. anti-imperialism, anti-racism, socialism etc.). This is unfitting if an organization seeks to reach the masses on a large scale as these will be seen as idealistic fantasies in the absence of a political line. Depending on the organization the political line may differ but it should be borne out of the mass work the organization is conducting, from its own investigation and its own political experiences.

The cells should report, in a written fashion, to the cadre formation their political work inside the mass organization and any relevant updates at each meeting. This keeps all cadre informed to the goings on of the mass organization, and can also help identify mass members politically and ideologically developed enough to be moved up to cadre.

6. Hold Regular Collective Studies and Collect Mandatory Dues

Regular collective studies are a mandatory part of the mass org. Since mass orgs are initiated by the Maoist political line, mass org members must undergo the political transformation of learning the thought behind its existence and applying this line in their political work. Regular studies ensure a measurable standard to grow the organization ideologically.

Monthly dues are mandatory and must be seen as a necessary part of maintaining the printing of flyers as well as other materials necessary for outreach or propaganda. Dues should be a fixed minimum amount and members should be allowed to give more but not less. If a member is unable to contribute the minimum amount, assign them one or two additional tasks per month, but only on a case by case scenario. The treasurer should keep track of who is paying, and discipline should be applied by the Secretariat in the case of members neglecting this duty.

The collection of dues in a democratic organization also ensures a sort of personal investment in the organization. Dues used to be voluntary due to concerns about alienating members that are not able to pay. However, we abolished the voluntary dues line because it was liberal. Mandatory dues encourage a higher level of investment within membership. We also uphold this line because we value quality over quantity and believe that truly dedicated members will contribute to the material needs of their organization.

True believers in revolution have been willing to become martyrs for liberation, a few dollars would be nothing for them if they were truly invested in proletarian revolution.

In revolutionary collective studies we demarcate between liberal ideology and tactics with militant ones, with the latter meant to raise the overall ideological level among mass members and the population they organize with. Education is centralized within the secretariat so that liberal and erroneous ideas do not take a hold in the mass organization, and when they are encountered they must be struggled with through a process of criticism and tying back to the political line of the mass org.

7. Build Up an Authentic Maoist Culture

Authentic Maoist culture fosters a strictly political culture as well as a normalization and regular practice of principled criticism and self-criticism. We must foster a culture of solidarity, serving the people and serving comrades but politics must be in command.

Here we must also utilize a stance that there can be no “long breaks” for cadre and mass members in our organization, so long as they wish to remain inside the organization. We must also follow organizational discipline and always outwardly promote the Maoist political line within the mass org. Every member must feel free to express their criticisms, taking caution never to blunt criticism, but to also engage in a principled manner with the essence of the criticism taking precedence.

Revisionism and liberalism should be openly challenged right then and there, not allowed to fester as non-antagonistic contradictions will be allowed to deepen and will erupt antagonistically. Belonging to a political organization should take precedence over liberal notions of friendship over politics.

8. Stay Organized

It is important to establish a calendar and always take notes in meetings and to review them. Encourage members to do this and enforce it if need be. Every printed agenda should contain events for that month with important dates at the end. Establishing some discipline is good in the organization. After events, summarize them as soon as possible, typically the next regular meeting or if you can immediately after.

Leadership cannot be expected to know everything just off the top of their head. By forming a calendar it allows one to plan events ahead. By keeping in mind important dates (or as the Filipino Revolutionaries call them “Red Letter Dates”) such as May Day, International Working Women’s Day, organization anniversaries etc. a month or a few months ahead of time, the organization is not caught planning things as they come. Similarly, by expecting members to also keep calendars, take notes etc. it prepares them to also take up roles of leadership when the time comes.

9. Do Not Orient Towards “The Left”

Left unity does not build a Maoist movement, but instead dilutes the possibility for more militant organizing. We have observed this in our own work, whether working with anarchist “organizations” like Food Not Bombs, IWW, or the Democratic Socialists of America. For instance, when we contacted other organizations to show up in mass for the protest to the fascist anti-sharia law march, DSA and other liberal organizations split off to occupy another portion of the park to give speeches, testimonials, and talk to the media, whereas our mass organizations stayed put and directed our attention directly at the fascist, rather than “ignoring them”.

The splitting represents an ideological antagonism, as it is an appeasement to the crushing brutality of fascism, for the sake of peace and “being the bigger person.” Such left unity falls into the error of tailing and opportunism, an anti-communist idea. We can see this error in our own work, as left unity incentivizes ideological concessions for the hope that such favors will be returned in the future and we build mass support via uncritical tailing of the “masses”. When it was rumored ICE was going to be doing raids in Kansas City, a call was made by Kansas/Missouri DREAM Alliance to bring out people to do patrols. The call was made at midnight and participants were to report to the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce at 6 am. 40 people volunteered that day with over half comprising of our mass organization members. Those who did not always agree with us repeatedly remarked positively to the showing up, consistency and discipline of mass members.

Although we comprised over half of the individuals who had responded to the call, and although we were amongst the few willing to forcibly stop any detainment observed, our tailing of organizations like KSMODA did not result in favors being returned, but in fact limited our own work. When we attempted to organize a sit – in at a local community college in response to raising rates for undocumented students, KSMODA dropped out of attendance a few days prior, citing they were uneasy with our methods, as they were too “militant”.

When criticized for breaking their commitment, they took principled criticism as a personal attack and responded hostilely, severing all communications, although our members had been integral in volunteering for their DACA clinics, even when their own members could or would not. This again exposes a set of inherent contradictions, namely, how does an organization with the intent of creating Maoists organize alongside organizations who actively reject Maoist principles, why take up faulty alliances that dilute our political line when we still serve as the most devoted to the work, and how can a “unified left” agitate the masses, when such approaches are antagonistic to one another. The end point of left unity then falls into the logical conclusion of tailing; opportunism, and revisionism. The highest example of this was our “membership” in the Kansas City Grass Roots Network, an assortment of garden variety leftists led chiefly by the DSA, the KC Green Party, and local anarchists, in preparation of the ACT for America sponsored white supremacist rallies on 9/9. Again, our resolve for membership was rightist in form, as it put concessionary alliances for broad left support over Maoist politics in command for mass support. All preparations for the event, including propaganda, flyering, and even bodies on the ground ready to confront the fascists fell solely on our shoulders, although the KC – GRN sought to take credit for the action.

Our reliance on their goodwill led only to missed opportunities to fully commit ourselves to agitating amongst the working class of Kansas City. Such alliance s as the KC – GRN even harbored known wreckers and abusers, with no means to discipline or rectify their behavior, due to their garden variety ideologies and their inherent horizontalism. To forge such alliances with anti – Maoist elements is to allow liberalism and revisionism to permeate into our work. For these reasons, we denounce left – unity, and will forge no alliances nor work alongside any organization that opposes our political line. We welcome those who support our political line, and forge alliances only with those who actively take up that political line. As Maoist, we must win over the masses. We cannot be won over by the “left”.

10. Do Not Engage in Unprincipled Attacks and Squabbles

Principled criticisms are encouraged over petty and personal disagreements. In our attempts to remain above the bullshit, we sometimes erred on the side of allowing incorrect lines to go unchallenged to avoid arguments. We attempted to ignore and run from contradictions that arose both from within and from our relationships with other organizations, in the hope that they would resolve themselves.

In both our handling of the post-modern clique and of the divide between us and the STL revisionists, we chose unprincipled peace over struggle. But, failure to resolve these contradictions was inevitable due to our approach. We must remain principled in our debates so that we can be understood, but we should not shy away from open struggle. Reactionary ideas will continue to thrive unless we attack them directly. We should not mistake valid criticism for unnecessary squabbling and the essence of an argument takes precedence over its form or “perceived” form. With a political criticism we can make no concession in seeing out two-line struggle until the end.

11. Build the National Organizing Committee*

 “As we see in the world, Maoism is marching unstoppably to lead the new wave of world proletarian revolution. Listen well and understand! Those who have ears, use them. Those who have understanding – and we all have it – use it! Enough of this nonsense. Enough of these obscurities! Let us understand that! What is unfolding in the world? What do we need? We need Maoism to be incarnated, and it is being incarnated, and by generating Communist Parties to drive and lead this new great wave of the world proletarian revolution that is coming. Everything they told us, the empty and silly chatter of the famous “new age of peace.” Where is it now?”

-Presidente Gonzalo

All existing and new Maoist political collectives must place the question of the Party as primary and incorporate mass work into the creation of this party through a formal process via the pre-party formation. After the collapse LC, many collectives including our own, advocated for the Autonomous Maoist Collective model, pushing the thought of party building to an undetermined future time. The LC’s bad political lines and the backwards culture it curated understandably left a bad taste in the mouth of US Maoists. Subsequently, many collectives took up the task of “building up” locally instead of a true party-building effort. This position has hindered collectives’ ability to unite wholly, and our unity is only based on our commitment to Maoism, but this approach lacks any way to facilitate true line struggle.

Individuals and collectives have no real accountability to each other and in the past, this has turned attempts at line struggle into personal conflict, and outright ridicule. As the US MLM movement grows, potential new collectives could be forced to choose which of the existing collectives to align with should these current alliances dissolve, and this could fracture the modern MLM movement much like the “communist” movements in the US before it. This position also leaves these collectives susceptible to collapse, as they have no larger system of support to help them weather the ebbs and flows of revolutionary work, regardless of their political line. This pre-party formation would assist in helping new MLM collectives to form, and a pole in which autonomous MLM collectives spring up can gravitate towards. It would seek to consolidate those collectives through ideological struggle, set some standards at what constitutes mass work, coordinate where to concentrate resources to work, generate mass organizations and help existing mass organizations consolidate, the STPs for example, initiate resources and concentration to penetrate the labor movement etc.

To further our unity and advance the revolutionary situation in the US, now more than ever it is necessary to take up the task of building a Maoist party, beginning with furthering the principled unity that we’ve established with collectives of dedicated Maoists across the US. We cannot begin to seriously discuss people’s war or how to take advantage of the impending capitalist wars without the formation of a party, which is why we fully support the beginning of the construction of a Maoist pre-party formation. We’ve continued this process with the MCLS 2018 as we all seek to develop ideologically and further unite the US Maoist movement. A pre-party formation could unite the political lines of the current MLM movement, guide new collectives in their formation, and create a nationally united MLM movement as we build towards revolution in the US.

We are at a point in history where it is very likely that a World War could happen within the next 5-10 years, the international bourgeoisie has expanded rapaciously across the globe with the dissolution of phony Communism and the imperialist powers that have emerged are in competition for global influence and markets. What exists now in the United States is one that can be called Cold Civil War that could very well become hot. What separates us from the other revisionist parties is the question of People’s War, this is how we will resist the Empire. ALL mass work that is conducted and initiated by the Party will be tailored to constructing the capacity to wage People’s War. This can only be possible through the construction of the Party with the current Maoist collectives congealing and forming a pole.

As Always,

DARE TO STRUGGLE! DARE TO WIN!

*There was a lot of struggle over point 11 and by the end of the conference it was eventually agreed upon by all collectives that it is not yet the appropriate time to form a National Organizing Committee.

Kansas City Stands with Igor Mendes and His 23 Comrades

Comrades and supporters of Red Guards Kansas City gathered on a hilltop overlooking the city to show our support and solidarity for Brazilian student organizer Igor Mendes and his 23 comrades, who were imprisoned by the reactionary Brazilian state. Read about Mendes’ struggle in detail here.

 

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Lately we have experienced state repression of our own, and Comrade Igor’s strength and perseverance in the worst of circumstances has provided inspiration to help us carry through in this struggle.

As communists we are internationalists, and we recognize that Mendes’ struggle is also our struggle. A speech was delivered in the park, then flyers were distributed explaining why we were there, details about Comrade Igor’s struggle, and why it is important for us to take our duty as internationalists seriously. We plan to follow it up with more flyering across the city to educate the masses about Igor Mendes, his struggle, and the importance of internationalism.

To Igor Mendes, his 23 comrades, and the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction), we  send a militant red salute.

Solidarity with Igor Mendes and his 23 comrades!

Solidarity with the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)!

 

 

 

Freedom for Comrade Igor Mendes – Libertad para Igor Mendes

[Español debajo]

Note: This article originally appeared on Red Guards Austin’s blog. We are reposting it here because we are in complete agreement with the contents, and want to express our solidarity with and admiration for Comrade Igor Mendes and the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction). Kansas City stands with Comrade Igor and his 23 comrades!

Igor

Igor Mendes, son of the Brazilian people, fighter of the international proletariat, is not alone!

a slogan painted on the walls of proletarian neighborhoods all over the world.

Who is Igor Mendes and why do we support him?

Comrade Igor Mendes is a student revolutionary and Communist Leader from Brazil. The reactionary Brazilian state arrested him for helping to mobilize and lead the masses of people against the FIFA World Cup. He was criminally charged for attending a demonstration on 10/15/14 and recently sentenced to prison along with 23 of his comrades.  Leaders emerge in class struggle and Comrade Igor Mendes is such a leader. By honoring him we honor all 23 of the arrestees. Igor is a Communist and a revolutionary, a true son of our class.

In his own words he expresses that:

“I answer for a single “crime”: criminal association, article 288 of the Penal Code. Draconian law, whose new wording was approved in 2013 and used increasingly to persecute popular movements, especially those that do not lend themselves to being mere conveyors of projects of class conciliation.”

The Maoists of Brazil have been unrelenting in their class struggles hailing from the rich tradition of the Araguaia Guerrilla, an armed struggle that took place in the 60’s and 70’s. Because of the severe poverty and conditions where the police, military and landlords kill whomever they want state repression and white terror there are very high.

FIFA destroyed the houses of the working poor and violently pushed the masses from their own city to make way for tourists. The reactionary state treats the youth of the Favela as sub-human pests. Our city, Austin is familiar with how the rich and tourists funnel into our city and push us out, while calling our people “roaches”. Gentrification has devastated former working-class Black and Chicano communities in Austin, portraying a free-for-all to outsiders. Thanks to this voracious selling off of our city, Austin even has attracted its own bourgeoisie sports hustlers who are pulling a con-job to bring a Major League Soccer team here. They are scheming our community into handing over public land to build a Soccer Stadium for the US’s own rookie version of the world’s sport.

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Police attack anti-FIFA protesters in Brazil

In Brazil, as outraged youth gathered in mass to protest the world cup, the state agents of the Dilma government, part of the so-called left pink tide, responded with reactionary violence and white terror to imprison the youth.  This phony “socialism of the 21st century” constantly shows its reactionary face. They are no different than that the reformists and revisionists of our country who constantly serve the bourgeoisie.  When in crisis, the bourgeoisie and phony socialists alike oppose the proletarian dictatorship; if you do not hit them, they will not fall.

All 23 arrested activists were sentenced to between 5 to 13 years in prison without parole for attending the anti-FIFA demonstrations. After going to prison, Comrade Igor was unwavering. In true revolutionary spirit he remarked:

“I will leave here more convinced that Brazil needs a great revolution!”

While in prison he has authored a book titled “Small Prisons”. The title references how capitalist society in crisis comes to resemble the large prisons more and more, with an even more acute ‘small prison’, which the masses and their revolutionary leaders suffer. His book details prison abuses and focuses on the struggles of the masses that are locked up. In an act of revolutionary solidarity, Comrade Igor dedicated his first book to the League of Poor Peasants (LCP). LCP is a revolutionary mass organization that operates in the Brazilian countryside to organize the poorest of the countries peasantry in the struggle for New Democratic revolution and Socialism.

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League of Poor Peasants (LCP) rallying to defend Chairman Gonzalo of the Communist Party of Peru

Brazil has a long history of proletarian internationalism and one of the best developed and most advanced Maoist-led movements in the Americas. Their struggle is our own, as we are fighting on different fronts in the same war for our class—the international proletariat.

Igor has never once seen himself as a victim but as a revolutionary, he is a true child of our class. The revolution produces leaders and heroes and Igor is deserving of both titles. All prisoners face horrid conditions which breed a sort of miasma; to elevate themselves above this misery, the revolutionary must have unshakable faith in the masses and the revolution. To keep his moral high, Igor would write Maoist slogans on the walls like, “Dare to Struggle, Dare to Win,” and draw hammers and sickles as a reminder of his revolutionary commitment and as a statement of defiance to the prison authorities.

The US Maoist movement is familiar with state repression and the targeting of revolutionaries, we have seen incredible support for our own Comrade Dallas, who has stressed to our movement the need for continued struggle and a refusal to capitulate in the dungeons of the state.  From Austin to Brazil, we are one struggle.  We must all show our gratitude for the international support Comrade Dallas has received by honoring and supporting Comrade Igor.

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Comrade Igor giving a speech next to some of the 23 comrades sentenced

While being a political prisoner, Igor has never sought special treatment and is one with the imprisoned masses, still serving the people of the class he lives and fights for. We have seen this same resolve among our movement’s best revolutionaries and recognize it as a true sign of the indomitable spirit of our class.

We call on all the activists and collectives in our movement to take solidarity action and to educate the US proletariat on the struggles of their 23 brothers and sisters being persecuted by the Brazilian state. It is disgusting that when Americans think of Brazil, they think of white sand beaches and clear blue water, forgetting the plight of the people. The Brazilian masses will one day rise like a tidal wave and reclaim said beaches and every Favela will fly the red flag as the hammer and sickle blazes from the mountainsides. The Communist Party of Brazil (Red Fraction) will initiate The People’s War and will forever change the face of South America as it marches shoulder to shoulder with other Parties toward world proletarian revolution and Communism!  When we think of Brazil, let us think of these comrades. Let us think mainly of Comrade Igor Mendes and let us make trouble all over the imperialist nation of the US  in his name!

Igor Mendes, presente en la lucha!

Freedom for Igor Mendes and his 23 comrades!

Long live the revolutionary youth of the international proletariat!

Long live international solidarity! 

-Red Guards Austin, 7/28/2018


 

Libertad para Igor Mendes

Nota: este artículo apareció originalmente en el blog de Red Guards Austin. Lo volvemos a publicar aquí porque estamos completamente de acuerdo con los contenidos, y queremos expresar nuestra solidaridad y admiración por el Camarada Igor Mendes y el Partido Comunista de Brasile (Facción Roja). ¡Kansas City apoya al Camarada Igor y sus 23 camaradas!

Igor

Igor Mendes, hijo del pueblo brasileño, luchador del proletariado internacional, ¡no está solo!

Un eslogan pintado en las paredes de los barrios proletarios en todo el mundo.

¿Quién es Igor Mendes y por qué lo apoyamos?

El camarada Igor Mendes es un líder revolucionario y Comunista de Brasil. El estado reaccionario Brasileño lo arrestó por ayudar a movilizar y dirigir a las masas en contra de la Copa Mundial FIFA. Fue acusado penalmente por asistir una manifestación el 15/10/14 y recientemente ha sido sentenciado a prisión, junto con 23 de sus camaradas. Los líderes emergen en la lucha de las clases y el camarada Igor Mendes es uno de ellos. Al honrarlo, también honramos a los 23 que fueron arrestados junto a el. Igor es un Comunista y un revolucionario, un verdadero hijo de nuestra clase.

En sus propias palabras, él expresa lo siguiente:

“Respondo por un solo “delito”: asociación criminal, artículo 288 del Código Penal. La ley draconiana que fue reescrita y aprobada en el 2013, se usa cada vez más para perseguir movimientos populares, especialmente aquellos que no se prestan a ser simples transmisores de proyectos de conciliación entre clases. “

Los Maoístas en Brasil han sido implacables en sus luchas de clase provenientes usando la rica tradición de la Guerrilla Araguaia, una lucha armada que tomó lugar en las décadas de los 60s y 70s. Debido a la severa pobreza y las condiciones en la cual la policía, el ejército y los propietarios matan a quien quieran, la represión estatal y el terror blanco se han puesto severas.

La FIFA destruyó las casas de los trabajadores pobres y expulsó violentamente a las masas de su propia ciudad para dejar paso a los turistas. El estado reaccionario trata a la juventud de las Favelas como plagas subhumanas. Nuestra ciudad, Austin, está familiarizada en la forma en la que los ricos y los turistas invaden nuestra ciudad y nos empujan, mientras llaman a nuestra gente “cucarachas”. El aburguesamiento ha devastado a las antiguas comunidades negras y chicanas de la clase trabajadora en Austin, representandoles a todos los forasteros que nuestra comunidad está en venta. Gracias a esta venta voraz de nuestra ciudad, Austin ha atraído a los que no viven aquí, Austin incluso ha atraído a sus propios estafadores deportivos burgueses que están haciendo transas para traer a un equipo de Major League Soccer aquí. Están manipulando a nuestra comunidad para entregar terrenos públicos y construir un estadio de fútbol para la versión inmadura de fútbol que practica los ee.uu.

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La policia ataca a los manifestantes anti-FIFA en Brazil

En Brasil, mientras la juventud indignada se reunió en masa para protestar contra la Copa Mundial, los agentes estatales del gobierno de Dilma, parte de la llamada ‘marea rosa’ de la izquierda, respondieron con violencia reaccionaria y terror blanco para encarcelar a los jóvenes. Este falso “socialismo del siglo 21” muestra constantemente su cara reaccionaria. No son diferentes a los reformistas ni los revisionistas de nuestro país que sirven constantemente a la burguesía. Cuando están en crisis, la burguesía y todos los falsos socialistas se oponen a la dictadura proletaria; si no los golpeas, no se caerán.

Los 23 activistas arrestados fueron condenados a servir entre 5 y 13 años de prisión sin libertad condicional, solo por asistir a las manifestaciones en contra de la FIFA. Después de ir a prisión , el camarada Igor fue inquebrantable. En espíritu revolucionario comentó:

“¡Me iré de aquí más convencido de que Brasil necesita una gran revolución!”

Mientras estuvo en prisión, escribió un libro titulado “Pequeñas Prisiones”. El título hace referencia a la manera en la que la sociedad capitalista bajo crisis se asemeja cada vez más a las grandes prisiones, con una “pequeña prisión,” aún más aguda en la cual las masas y sus líderes revolucionarios sufren. Su libro detalla los abusos en prisión y se centra en las luchas de las masas que han sido encerradas. En un acto de solidaridad revolucionaria, el camarada Igor dedicó su primer libro a la Liga de Campesinos Pobres (LCP). LCP es una organización de masas revolucionarias que operan en la área de campo en el país brasileño para organizar a los campesinos más pobres del país en la lucha por la revolución y el socialismo de la Nueva Democracia.

lcpgonzalo
La Liga de Campesinos Pobres (LCP) hacen un mitín para defender el Presidente Gonzalo del Partido Comunista de Perú

Brasil tiene una larga historia de internacionalismo proletario y uno de los movimientos más desarrollados y más avanzados de la América guiado por Maoístas. Su lucha es la nuestra, ya que estamos luchando en distintas frentes de la misma guerra por nuestra clase proletaria internacional.

Igor nunca se ha visto como una víctima, sino como un revolucionario, es un verdadero hijo de nuestra clase. La revolución produce líderes y héroes e Igor merece ambos títulos. Todos los prisioneros se enfrentan a condiciones horribles que generan una especie de miasma; para elevarse por encima de esta miseria , el revolucionario debe tener una fe inquebrantable en las masas y en la revolución. Para mantener su moral alta, Igor escribiría consignas Maoístas en las paredes como, “Atrévete a luchar, Atrévete a ganar” y dibujar martillos y hoces como un recordatorio de su compromiso revolucionario y como una declaración de desafío a las autoridades de la prisión.

El movimiento Maoísta estadounidense se está familiarizado con la represión estatal y el ataque contra revolucionarios, hemos visto un apoyo increíble para nuestro camarada Dallas, quien ha insistido a nuestro movimiento la necesidad de continuar la lucha y la negativa a capitular en las mazmorras del estado. Desde Austin hasta Brasil, estamos en la misma lucha. Todos debemos mostrar nuestra gratitud por el apoyo internacional que ha recibido el camarada Dallas al honrar y apoyar al camarada Igor.

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El Camarada Igor pronunciando un discurso al lado de los 23 camaradas sentenciadas

Siendo un prisionero político, Igor nunca ha buscado un trato especial y es uno con las masas encarceladas, que sigue sirviendo a la gente por la que vive y lucha. Hemos visto esta misma resolución entre los mejores revolucionarios de nuestro movimiento y la reconocemos como un verdadero signo del espíritu indomable de nuestra clase.

Invitamos a todos los activistas y colectivos de nuestro movimiento a tomar medidas de solidaridad y a educar al proletariado estadounidense sobre las luchas de sus 23 hermanos y hermanas perseguidos por el estado brasileño. Es repugnante que cuando los estadounidenses piensan en Brasil, piensan en playas de arena blanca y agua azul y clara, olvidando la difícil situación de las personas. Las masas de Brasil un día se levantarán como un maremoto y van a recuperar dichas playas y cada Favela va a volar la bandera roja mientras el martillo y hoz triunfará entre las laderas de las montañas. ¡El Partido Comunista de Brasil (Fracción Roja) iniciará la Guerra Popular y cambiará para siempre la imagen de América del Sur mientras marcha hombro a hombro con otros Partidos hacia la revolución proletaria mundial y el Comunismo! Cuando pensemos en Brasil, pensemos en estos camaradas. Nosotros pensamos principalmente en el compañero Igor Mendes y haremos problemas en toda la nación imperialista de los EE.UU. en su nombre!

¡Igor Mendes , presente en la lucha!

¡Libertad para Igor Mendes y sus 23 camaradas!

¡Viva la juventud revolucionaria del proletariado internacional!

¡Larga vida a la solidaridad internacional!